Summary by The NewsHawks

Zimbabwe’s Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) former Director-General Happyton Bonyongwe says he discovered himself within the eye of a raging storm through the precarious November 2017 army coup which ousted the late ex-president Robert Mugabe, propelling President Emmerson Mnangagwa to energy.

In a gripping narrative in his memoirs, titled One Among Many: My contribution to the Zimbabwean story, Bonyongwe, who served at CIO for 19 years, tells how he needed to strike a fragile steadiness between private questions of safety, self-preservation, responsibility and loyalty, political brinkmanship and manoeuvring, and nationwide curiosity and stability points all through the spine-chilling interval of the coup amid tensions, concern and uncertainty.

The former CIO boss and minister narrates the story with a contemporary chronicle of largely publicly well-known occasions resulting in the coup, however threads private experiences and new particulars in a cautiously revealing account as the important thing contact individual between Mugabe, Zimbabwe Defence Forces commanders, mediators, bureaucrats, and intelligence operatives delicately making an attempt to handle the perilous transition through the coup.

The interregnum was risky, characterised by hazard and uncertainty.

Bonyongwe carried a whole lot of weight of the coup state of affairs on his shoulders as he was Justice minister – many constitutional and authorized points have been concerned – former CIO boss for 19 years, a retired army commander and a battle veteran who was near Mugabe and the coup-plotters.
Besides, he was a lawyer whose expertise have been considerably wanted on the time.

During his lengthy and dramatic profession within the public service, Bonyongwe had labored with the army commanders behind the coup for years. Some of them he had come a great distance with from the liberation wrestle days.

By advantage of his earlier place as head of CIO, he had interacted with politicians and dealer powers through the years.

Bonyongwe, who states he likes working within the shadows, says in his liaisons by way of cellphone calls, conferences and briefings, his mission was to not rescue Mugabe as army commanders and the Zanu PF faction led by Mnangagwa thought ans virtually crucified him for that.

Bonyongwe’s most important agenda was salvage his personal state of affairs for self-preservation and make sure the coup standoff was resolved peacefully with out bloodshed to permit the nation to maneuver the Mugabe to a brand new period, he says.

He was additionally motivated by the necessity to not be seen as a blocking block to the coup and somebody in opposition to change.

So he ensured that he facilitated numerous processes and conferences concerned from a impartial place as humanly doable as he may regardless of that he was seen as a G40 faction bigwig, which he vehemently denies.

Capturing the build-up to the coup from the context of Zanu PF factionalism, infighting and youth interface rallies, in addition to the succession battle in opposition to a backdrop of varied makes an attempt to steer Mugabe to repair the issue earlier than it exploded in his fa e, Bonyongwe says when Vice President Constantino Chiwenga returned from an official go to in China, a collection of occasions that adopted would set off a coup that he thinks was not well-organised and coordinated.

When Chiwenga arrived in Harare on 12 November 2017, he was whisked away from the Robert Gabriel Mugabe International Airport by “army special forces” to stop his arrest by police.

It is vital to notice that former police commissioner-general Augustine Chihuri denied through the first assembly between military commanders and Mugabe at State House on 16 November that police had a plan to arrest Chiwenga.

When Mugabe refused to satisfy army commanders on 13 November 2017 – which was maybe the turning level – they then spent the entire day at KGVI (Josiah Magama Tongogara) Barracks plotting the following plan of action.

In the night, they known as a press convention and issued a press release making a raft of calls for bordering on risk on a coup.

Operation Restore Legacy, the official code-name of the coup, was now in movement and the state of affairs was touch-and-go.

The following day, 14 November 2017, there was a cupboard assembly which didn’t even focus on the problem, a sign of Mugabe’s hubris and conceitedness of energy.

Only the then Vice President Phelekezela Mphoko had referred to it, saying the state of affairs was critical and if it have been in different nations cupboard ministers would have been seized by the military, however that might by no means occur in Zimbabwe.

Mphoko, similar to Mugabe and others, naively believed a coup wouldn’t occur within the nation.

Mugabe was to inform journalists in an interview in March 2018 that he by no means thought Mnangagwa and Chiwenga would go that far, which by all indications they didn’t need to, however have been pressured by occasions.

As the cupboard assembly progressed, pictures of private armoured carriers – not tanks – began filtering on social media. They have been coming from Special Forces’ Inkomo Barracks and rolling into city.

Sensing hazard and panicking, Bonyongwe known as his lifelong buddy Air Force commander Air Marshall Perence Shiri, however he didn’t reply initially.

A couple of minutes later, Shiri known as again and through the dialog concerning the military actions, he mentioned he didn’t know something as he was in Dubai attending an air present.

Shiri didn’t touch upon Bonyongwe’s enquiry on the military deployment and the decision ended like that.

From there Bonyongwe went on to see Mugabe to debate his CIO terminal advantages and when he arrived there, 4 ministers – Sydney Sekeramayi, Ignatius Chombo, Saviour Kasukuwere and Simon Khaya Moyo – have been leaving the President’s Office.

When the assembly between Mugabe and him was over, the President then requested Bonyongwe what he thought concerning the creating state of affairs.

The former CIO boss mentioned the Justice ministry had appeared into the problem and was pondering of in search of a declaratory order by the courts to stop the military from dabbling into politics and doing what they have been up.

The ministry was not preferring fees on the coup-plotters, however making an attempt to cease the army from interfering in nationwide political affairs in violation of the structure.

However, Bonyongwe admits him and his officers have been naive to assume they may cease a coup by way of a court docket order.

Mugabe then mentioned what Bonyongwe was pondering of doing fell wanting what was wanted to deal with the state of affairs.

What was occurring, Mugabe mentioned, was that military commanders had dedicated treason and that needs to be appropriately addressed.

As a outcome, Mugabe then dispatched Khaya Moyo, the Zanu PF spokesperson, that night to difficulty a press release, denouncing the commanders and warning they’d dedicated treason.

Instead of horrifying the command factor, the assertion made them extra aggressive and agitated.

For they knew that they’d crossed the Rubicon and can be charged with treason if the coup failed.

Desperate for an answer, Mugabe was already manoeuvring to get Mariyawanda Nzuwah, Public Service Commission chair, to fireplace Chiwenga.

Bonyongwe requested Mugabe who would then take cost if Chiwenga was fired.

Mugabe mentioned Shiri.

Bonyongwe replied that he had spoken to Shiri and he mentioned he was in Dubai.

Mugabe then tasked Bonyongwe to search for Shiri to supply the place to switch Chiwenga as Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander and to quash the coup.

From seeing Mugabe, Bonyongwe went to the Justice ministry and put collectively a authorized opinion on the problem and despatched it to everlasting secretary Virginia Mabhiza.

From there, he went and later tried to name Shiri however he didn’t discover him.

Bonyongwe then despatched Shiri a brief message: “Come home”.

There was no reply.

Bonyongwe then went to sleep, calm earlier than the storm.

“I was woken up by a call from Mugabe around 1am (in the early hours of 15 November 2017), but I had been fast asleep, it took a little while before the ring tone woke me up. Mugabe advised me that the army had gone to Chombo, Kasukuwere and (Jonathan) Moyo’s homes and caused some damage. The former had been arrested, but Moyo and Kasukuwere had arrived at the Blue Roof, the President’s residence. The army was at the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation in Highlands. He wanted to know if I was safe. I had told him I was and that was the end of the conversation,” Bonyongwe writes.

“I then discussed the situation with my wife (Willia) and decided to see what else I could find out, and I called the Acting DG CIO, Aaron Nhepera, who confirmed that a coup d’etat was underway. We did not discuss anything further. I thanked God for sending me to the Ministry of Justice before the coup took place.”

Bonyongwe mentioned issues received worse when his former colleagues like Albert Ngulube, former Director Security, have been attacked and Peter Munetsi died within the course of.

Later Nhepera known as Bonyongwe to ask if Mugabe needs to be moved to a secure home, however the former CIO chief mentioned it was higher from a safety perspective if he remained at Blue Roof.

Playing hide-and-seek with the military can be harmful for him, he suggested.

Bonyongwe wonders whether or not that advise didn’t unwittingly assist the coup as a result of for the putsch to succeed Mugabe needed to detained, exiled or assassinated.

That is how coups are normally executed.

So advising that Mugabe ought to stay at home amounted to placing him underneath home arrest and worsening his vulnerability, a greater choice from him, however aiding and abetting the coup all the identical.

To make his level, Bonyongwe refers to how Turkish President Recep Erdogan survived a coup in 2016 and launched a fierce counter as an instance the problem.

On 15 July 2016, a faction inside the Turkish Armed Forces, organised because the Peace at Home Council tried a coup Erdogan.

They tried to grab management of a number of locations, Ankara, Istanbul and Marmaris and elsewhere, such because the Asian aspect entrance of the Bosphorus Bridge, however failed after safety forces and civilians loyal to the state defeated them.

Bonyongwe says:

“The causes for the coup in opposition to Mugabe which I mentioned earlier (succession points), comparable to demonisation of Mugabe, and his lack of well-liked public assist on the time of the coup, his superior age, and the influence of army energy, prevented him type efficiently launching a counter as Erdogan did in 2016 in Turkey… Had Mugabe been 10 or extra years youthful, no coup would have taken place in Zimbabwe.

“Returing to the early morning of 15 November 2017, Mugabe had mentioned that soldiers had gone to ZBC.”

Since he didn’t have a tv set at residence as he was settling into a brand new home, Bonyongwe left his spouse at residence and went to his sister-in-law in Vainona, Harare, to look at the drama because it unfolded.

Bonyongwe says his sister-in-law’s son Simba performed him a message from a person saying he had spoken to former military colonel Lionel Dyck who advised him that he had been in contact with Zimbabwe National Army commander Lieutenant-General Philip Valerio Sibanda who confirmed the army had taken over.

“Then the television flickered on and on came Major-General SB Moyo and Air Commodore Nzvede, and SB made the now well-known statement…,” Bonyongwe says.

The following morning after the coup, 15 November 2017, Bonyongwe says he went to work and met his Justice ministry workers led by Dr Runganga Gumbo as common.

“We discussed the situation and concluded that the coup was the result of the cumulative impact of a series of events, some of which were accidental, like the failure by the president to meet commanders on Monday, 13 November 2017.”

Bonyongwe says whereas private armoured carriers had been deployed to the streets, blocking visitors, the coup didn’t appear to be it was correctly coordinated.

“The execution of the coup, particularly the vehicle deployments throughout the previous day, did not indicate a well-planned military operation, one executed with precision (usually in the dead of the night, so that people wake up to a fait accompli).”

The military moved slowly and laboriously to strategic positions hoping Mugabe would see the looming hazard and transfer shortly to deal with the disaster, which he didn’t do, the ex-CIO boss says.

“From a military stand point, the slow deployment speed would have given anyone serious about a counter option time to act. This would have included assembling help from outside,” he says.

Bonyongwe says there was no want for outdoor intervention to cease the coup as a result of that was an inner Zanu PF succession battle, a view Mugabe was to later inform South African mediators led by Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula despatched to Harare by President Jacob Zuma who was additionally Southern African Development Community chair.

Mugabe met with military commanders and the South African envoys on 16 November 2017 at State House in Hararem

Zuma had spoken to him the day earlier than checking if he was tremendous, to which Mugabe mentioned he was, though underneath home arrest.

Bonyongwe says: “My view was that these events related to the succession issue, and Zanu PF factionalism, which was now at a peak; so it was for Zimbabweans alone, and particularly Mugabe and generals, to solve the problems.”

He says how Mugabe and his Zanu PF functionaries had reacted to the generals’ assertion had pressured them to cross the Rubicon, with a no likelihood of going again.

Yet all alongside Mugabe remained hopeful the state of affairs could possibly be reversed, particularly as generals continued to permit him to be symbolically in cost and interact him.

It later transpired that Mugabe spoke to Mnangagwa when he was in South Africa in self-imposed exile and requested him to return for them to search out an an answer to the disaster.

Mnangagwa needed to return again to speak to Mugabe concerning the state of affairs and repair it, however his political allies on the bottom refused.

Meanwhile, on the morning of 15 November 2017, the generals had constituted a negotiating staff, displaying they didn’t need to go for broke in opposition to Mugabe. They needed a negotiated political settlement.

The negotiating staff comprised Acting CIO boss Nhepera, cleric Father Fidelis Mukonori, and Mugabe spokesperson George Charamba, who had already crossed the ground to coup-plotters.

They have been later to be complimented by former Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono, who had good relations with Mugabe and the generals, particularly Chiwenga.

In the method, the commanders summoned Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet Misheck Sibanda and Nzuwah to the barracks to organize them to make sure normalcy in state establishments and authorities departments, significantly the civil service.

On 16 November, Bonyongwe went to Munhumutapa Building to chair a gathering of the cupboard committee on laws, his first time doing so. The assembly did not happen resulting from disruptions of state operations and defections from Mugabe to Mnangagwa.

Fortuitously, Bonyongwe met everlasting secretary within the War Veterans ministry retired Brigadier-General Walter Tapfumaneyi, who had labored with him within the military and CIO.

The day earlier than, 15 November, Tapfumaneyi had met commanders on the barracks.

So he suggested Bonyongwe of the fears and hostilities expressed on the barracks, which posed a grave safety threat to him.

The commanders feared that Mugabe was working with Bonyongwe and others to organise a counter, which was unfaithful, in keeping with the writer.

The encounter was helpful for Bonyongwe as a result of he then received to know what the commanders have been pondering of him on the peak of tensions between the military and CIO.

Bonyongwe expressed his want to meet Chiwenga, which he later did.

He stored in contact and labored with Sibanda regularly in a bid to handle the state of affairs.

On 17 November, a gathering was held on the Justice ministry, attended by Mabhiza, Justice Rita Makarau, Zimbabwe Electoral Commission chair on the time, Attorney-General Prince Machaya, Elasto Mugwadi, Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission chair, and retired Major-General Paradzai Zimondi, head of the Zimbabwe Prisons and Correctional Services.

Prosecutor-General Ray Goba didn’t attend as he had been eliminated.

“During that meeting, I outlined the situation as I saw it: the coup had come about due to the situation in the party and government (i.e succession, which I did not specifically mention by name but of which everyone was aware of), while the trigger had been accidental,” Bonyongwe says.

Zimondi, a veteran of the liberation wrestle, had been in Mozambique when the coup began, and he was relieved the assembly had gone nicely as he didn’t understand how would have unfolded.

Makarau requested if the structure had been suspended, to which Bonyongwe mentioned no.

Throughout the coup, the military didn’t droop the structure or impose a state of emergency and martial legislation.

“Meanwhile, after the meeting, I received a call that I was wanted at the Blue Roof. I realised that this would be a challenge as the army was deployed around the President’s residence. I called Brigadier-General Tapfumaneyi and advised him to inform CDF (Chiwenga) about the request. He did so and the CDF then asked to speak to me, asking why I needed permission of the army to go and meet my principal – the president; I was a minister. I could go and see the President as I pleased,” Bonyongwe says.

After getting Chiwenga’s clearance, Bonyongwe went to see Mugabe, however discovered him not at residence.

He had gone to Rainbow Towers Hotel for the Zimbabwe Open University commencement ceremony.

“So we waited for him with Grace Mugabe and her sister Shuvai Gumbochuma.

Mugabe arrived quickly afterwards. I suggested him that the generals knew that I had come to see him; this drew consideration to the truth that energy was slipping away from him as my presence at his home needed to be sanctioned elsewhere. He needed to know what I knew and me to provide him an evaluation of whether or not the state of affairs could possibly be resolved in his favour. He was additionally nervous about reviews that demonstrators needed to maneuver to his home,” he says.

Bonyongwe admits he didn’t have a lot info at that second and couldn’t advise Mugabe in consequence.

As Bonyongwe was leaving Mugabe’s home, he met Kasukuwere and Moyo who have been hiding at Blue Roof for the reason that military had raided them with their households on the evening of the coup on the farmer’s home.

“I felt sad because Robert Mugabe was losing power ungracefully and all indications were that even the region was abandoning him. There did not appear to be any help for him from anywhere,” Bonyongwe notes.

From that Bonyongwe shifts his consideration to the protests that have been being organised to pressure out Mugabe amid threats that demonstrators may invade his home, one thing which later they tried, however received stopped by the military.

“On the morning of 18 November, the city centre was full of demonstrators. People from all walks of life and all races, as well as the youths who had seen their economic fortunes decline over the years. Such scenes in Harare were unprecedented,” he provides.

“Public opinion in Harare was clearly against Mugabe, with everyone saying that he had to go. He had left it too late to leave with dignity.”

The following day, 19 November, Bonyongwe met Mugabe at State House to evaluate the disaster because the state of affairs deteriorated.

Mugabe, refusing to just accept actuality, mentioned the demonstrators weren’t consultant of Zimbabweans as they have been solely MDC supporters in Harare.

Bonyongwe says that was not true as there have been Zanu PF supporters concerned and the military performed an enormous position on mobilising protesters behind the scenes, even permitting protesters to climb on private armoured carriers to pose for pictures and to chant slogans.

After that, Bonyongwe needed to retreat to his farm briefly to reset, however modified his thoughts as the military was deployed on the roads, which may expose him to safety dangers.

He then known as Tapfumaneyi and requested to satisfy Chiwenga and the opposite commanders.

A gathering between Chiwenga, Sibanda and Brigadier-General Grey Mashava, Chiwenga’s private assistant, was organized.

As they have been assembly, anti-status quo demonstrators began transferring within the course of Mugabe’s home, one thing which the late autocrat feared probably the most.

Despite his authoritarian repression and obduracy, Mugabe feared the individuals.

As individuals superior, Mugabe known as Chiwenga, the military commander, in panic to cease the demonstrators of their tracks.

Interestingly, Bonyongwe then learnt from Chiwenga that Gono had been to the barracks despatched by Mugabe the evening earlier than to debate the impasse and break it.

Mugabe despatched Gono to supply Chiwenga to take over and never defer to Mnangagwa, however the military commander rejected that “absurd offer”.

Mugabe despatched Gono as a result of he believed that Mukonori was now not neutral, he was to later inform journalists.

Chiwenga additionally advised Bonyongwe that he had acquired a name from a Congolese enterprise government Kalaa Mpinga, who had enterprise pursuits in Zimbabwe, saying he was appearing on behalf of Kasukuwere who needed to understand how he as a member of the opposing aspect, G40, may assist to finish the disaster.

Apparently, Kasukuwere needed to know what it will take to finish the coup siege.

Chiwenga mentioned he couldn’t perceive what that was all about, and therefore didn’t take it up.

Before Bonyongwe left, he requested to talk to Chiwenga privately, which they did. He advised Chiwenga that Tapfumaneyi had indicated to him that the generals have been involved that he needed to counter the coup.

That difficulty dominated the entire drama.

Bonyongwe assured Chiwenga there was no such factor, clearing the air. But earlier than that Chiwenga mentioned Tapfumaneyi shouldn’t have him about it.

Bonyongwe then advised Chiwenga that he had acquired some calls from Equatorial Guinea and Botswana involved concerning the state of affairs.

Mugabe had in 2004 saved Equatorial Guinea President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo from a coup plot by the Simon Mann-led band of mercenaries. Now Nguema needed to know if there was something to may do for Mugabe; payback time.

“The CDF then asked me whether during my visit to Blue Roof, it had seen Jonathan Moyo and Saviour Kasukuwere. I simply answered that I had seen them,” he says.

Given Chiwenga’s intelligence belongings at Mugabe’s home and that he was answerable for the state of affairs, Bonyongwe notes that he couldn’t lie about that.

“As I left, I saw Shiri who had arrived from Dubai. I greeted him and he responded awkwardly,” he factors out.

That, Bonyongwe notes, was a transparent sign Shiri, a Mugabe relative from the Chikerema clan, had deserted his commander-in-chief and was together with his coup colleagues.

On his manner out of KGVI, Bonyongwe met wMajor-General Engelbert Rugeje, however didn’t focus on something and Tapfumaneyi went to go away him at Sam Levy to take his automotive residence.

On 19 November, Bonyongwe signifies a senior authorities official who can’t be named for safety causes known as and met him for breakfast.

He advised him somebody from the generals had visited and advised him that he ought to decelerate his actions as the military was getting more and more agitated with him and he may face one thing worse than the assault on Shiri on 13 December 2008 when he was assailed in what was considered as a botched assassination try.

Bonyongwe may relate to that as his automotive, a Toyota Land Cruiser, which was being utilized by his spouse, had in 2009 had entrance wheel nuts eliminated and loosened in a grimy play plot in opposition to him to trigger an accident.

Lucky sufficient for Bonyongwe, he had already seen the commanders and defined himself – assured them that he was not planning a counter.

The similar day, 19 November, Bonyongwe received a name from Blue Roof inviting him for a gathering at State House.

On rival, he discovered the mediation staff and Sibanda.

The essential assembly was to debate a doc written by the military containing their lengthy listing of grievances.

Before the assembly began, Bonyongwe advised Mugabe that Chiwenga had requested him after their assembly if he had seen Moyo and Kasukuwere, and he had advised him the reality: Yes.

He says he advised Mugabe as a result of he didn’t need him to be caught unexpectedly if Chiwenga raised the problem with him.

They additionally spoke concerning the Zanu PF Central Committee assembly which was being organised to expel G40 leaders from the celebration, together with Mugabe and his spouse Grace.

The assembly additionally put in Mnangagwa as Zanu PF, paving a manner for his return from South Africa on 23 November.

Mugabe lamented the unacceptable behaviour of some agitators in opposition to him comparable to Patrick Chinamasa and Obert Mpofu.

Mugabe described Chinamasa as a “coward” who didn’t be part of the battle in Mozambique, as he remained at college and later working towards legislation after that as an alternative.

He mentioned Chinamasa solely had the braveness to go Jongwe Building – Zanu PF headquarters in Harare – and pose an a “revolutionary” preventing those that had truly fought Ian Smith within the wrestle.

The late president additionally lambasted Mpofu, who had beforehand described himself as Mugabe’s “ever obedient son”.

The generals – Chiwenga and others – arrived at State House accompanied by Shiri and police commissioner-general Augustine Chihuri, a G40 kingpin.

The assembly appeared into the doc by the army and the doable options. It additionally handled fears of a counter and that the Joint Operations Command system had change into dysfunctional because of the coup.

“The floor was opened and a general discussion ensued. Commissioner-General Chihuri stated that he wanted to dispel any idea that he wanted to arrest CDF Chiwenga when he returned from China, and he thanked the generals for ensuring that the coup had taken place peacefully,” Bonyongwe says.

“The CDF (again) then asked about the whereabouts of Moyo and Kasukuwere, and said he wanted them taken into custody. The president replied that he was only keeping their families at his home and that he had asked the two ministers to leave; indeed, for all he knew, they have taken sanctuary at one or another embassy. He did not push the issue.”

Even when issues have been unhealthy, Chiwenga continued to behave in a dignified manner similar to Mugabe himself, so a confrontation was keep away from over Moyo and Kasukuwere.

Bonyongwe mentioned the military grievances have been deserted because the dialogue shifted to blaming him for wrongly advising the president.

Although Mukonori mentioned Bonyongwe and his ministry had helped the state of affairs, the previous CIO boss was blamed for a lot of issues occurring and he was agitated.

In response, Bonyongwe wrote a protracted doc and gave it to Chiwenga throughout Mnangagwa’s inauguration on 24 November 2017.

Bonyongwe additionally gave Mnangagwa the identical doc after they met in his workplace on 29 November when he was already president.

The most important difficulty there was that Bonyongwe was making an attempt to make use of the air pressure and police to assault the generals and counter the coup, one thing the Mnangagwa faction believed strongly.

Says Bonyongwe: “I had no death wish. I knew that only an army would be able to stop another army and I did not have one at my disposal, even if I wanted to stop the coup.”

The former CIO boss says he was baffled why individuals blamed him for the response of intelligence service to the coup when he was now not there.

After some discussions, the assembly at State House selected the best way ahead which was that Mugabe would tackle the nation for the primary time for the reason that coup.

Nhepera, Sibanda, Charamba and Bonyongwe have been tasked to place collectively the speech.

Charamba took the lead.

Before the generals left State House, Bonyongwe took Chiwenga apart and requested what he actually needed from the coup.

Chiwenga burdened that Zanu PF’s future needed to be determined on the extraordinary congress the next month, in order that grew to become the main target of the speech.

Bonyongwe says on the level he realised that Chiwenga didn’t have massive points with Mugabe. He was versatile, though the younger turks have been edgy about that.

That night, 19 November, the generals have been again at State House for Mugabe’s tackle which was agreed earlier than that by all stakeholders.

That was the notorious “Asante Sana” speech, which turned out to be rip-off for peculiar individuals who needed Mugabe to go instantly.

Bonyongwe notes the speech triggered controversy with some individuals claiming Mugabe had learn a improper one or it was edited. The state of affairs was worsened by some pages falling and Chiwenga choose them up for him.

The difficulty of Bonyongwe’s relationship with military commanders got here up once more as Charamba advised him the military was not pleased with him.

After that, Bonyongwe went to his ministry on 20 November to give attention to parliamentary enterprise and associated points, significantly cupboard assembly on 21 November and the finances scheduled for 23 November.

Bonyongwe labored with Sibanda and Finance everlasting secretary Willard Manungo on the finances.

Chinamasa had been roped in to take cost of the finances as Chombo was in detention.

In the method, Bonyongwe engaged Speaker of Parliament Jacob Mudenda who advised him he had been away and was at nighttime.

Indeed, The NewsHawks is aware of that Mudenda was in Namibia on the time.

Mudenda advised Bonyongwe he wouldn’t assist impeachment in opposition to Mugabe.

After all, the opposition MDC had in 2016 tried and did not impeach Mugabe.

While Bonyongwe was speaking to Mudenda in parliament on 20 November, Chris Mutsvangwa had walked in, however mentioned nothing and left.

Bonyongwe then explains at size his unhealthy relations with Mutsvangwa and why he’s hostile to him.

As Bonyongwe was leaving parliament, he met Temba Mliswa, then impartial Norton MP who suggested him that he shouldn’t rescue Grace Mugabe as she had been shouting at him.

Bonyongwe and Mliswa knew one another nicely on the fitness center the place they skilled collectively.

While that occurred, hostility in opposition to Bonyongwe intensified as some Zanu PF officers thought he had met Mudenga to attempt to block Mugabe’s impeachment.

There was a whole lot of misinformation circulating.

However, the previous CIO guru says he by no means had a mission to canvass assist for Mugabe in opposition to generals. His mission was to handle the state of affairs.

Back in his workplace, Bonyongwe briefed Sibanda about the best way ahead. He additionally briefed Mugabe concerning the state of affairs.

In the night that day, Bonyongwe acquired a name from Mugabe telling him that Moyo and Kasukuwere had left and have been now in Mozambique.

Within 10 minutes, Chiwenga known as asking Bonyongwe what was the state of affairs relating to the “two fugitives”.

“I told him exactly what the president had told me (they have left) and the matter ended there,” he mentioned.

On 21 November, Bonyongwe was alerted to fliers by some battle veterans who have been denouncing him for alleging he was making an attempt to dam Mugabe’s impeachment.

He tried to get a lawyer Jonathan Samukange to sue them, however after dropped the plan later.

On the identical day, Sibanda had known as Bonyongwe simply earlier than 8am to attend a cupboard assembly at State House at 9am.

He needed to attend the assembly as Leader of Government Business in Parliament.

But solely Mike Bimha, Joseph Made, Walter Chidhakwa and Samuel Undenge turned up.

Sibanda and Machaya have been additionally there.

Sekeramayi, who had joined Gono on the mediation staff, had gone to Blue Roof.

The cupboard assembly at State House didn’t happen as most ministers have been on the Zanu PF celebration caucus assembly at 2pm to agree on impeachment and would then reconvene at 4pm at Harare International Conference Centre, Rainbow Towers Hotel.

Mugabe was dealing with 4 fees: Serious misconduct; failure to obey, uphold and defend the structure; wilful violation of the structure; and lack of ability to carry out his workplace’s capabilities resulting from bodily and psychological incapacity.

The impeachment course of was to be accomplished by 23 November, a day earlier than Mnangagwa was sworn, which suggests Mugabe wouldn’t even be given the precise of reply or a possibility to reply the allegations.

While ready for the 2pm celebration caucus assembly on impeachment, Sibanda known as Bonyongwe at 1pm, saying Mugabe needed him to return to his residence urgently.

“When I put my phone down, the President called. He asked me to find a lawyer and report to him at Blue Roof immediately,” he says.

Sibanda had already contacted Bonyongwe on the identical difficulty, which means Mugabe had spoken to Sibanda earlier than that.

Bonyongwe contacted Machaya and along with Sibanda they went to Blue Roof.

On arrival, they joined a gathering already underway between Mugabe, Grace and the mediation staff, which included Sekeramayi, Gono, Mukonori and Charamba.

Mugabe dropped the bombshell: I’ve determined to resign.

That was after 37 years in energy and 40 years on the helm of Zanu PF.

Everyone was relieved, however there was nonetheless an issue and uncertainty.

Mudenda mentioned he was not going to cease impeachment proceedings underway till Mugabe’s resignation letter had arrived.

Machaya, Sibanda and Charamba had been tasked by the assembly to draft the letter, whereas Sekeramayi and Bonyongwe went to HICC to handle the state of affairs on the stormy impeachment proceedings.

Bonyongwe was to deal with the method.

As he stepped as much as the entrance to interact Mudenda who was presiding, Bonyongwe was booed and heckled.

Zanu PF legislators didn’t know Mugabe had already resigned.

Some Zanu PF MPs even refused to permit Bonyongwe to sit down subsequent to them through the proceedings, significantly Monica Mutsvangwa whom Bonyongwe says did a “good job in vilifying Mugabe”.

After a chaotic state of affairs, Bonyongwe received the letter delivered from Machaya and handed it over to Mudenda who the learn it to the anxious the lawmakers.

“The Speaker took the letter and read it out to thunderous applause. The era of Robert Gabriel Mugabe was over!”